With more than 55 million items, the Library of Congress Manuscript Division contains the papers of 23 presidents, from George Washington to Calvin Coolidge. In this article, Manuscript Division Chief James Hutson draws upon the papers of Washington, Thomas Jefferson and other primary documents to discuss the relationship of Islam to the new nation.
The Founding Fathers and Islam: Library Papers Show Early Tolerance for Muslim Faith
James H. Hutson, May 2002 – Vol. 61, No. 5
Many Muslims feel unwelcome in the United States in the aftermath of September 11, according to newspaper reports. Anecdotal evidence suggests that substantial numbers of Americans view their Muslim neighbors as an alien presence outside the limits of American life and history. While other minorities—African Americans, Hispanics and Native Americans—were living within the boundaries of the present United States from the earliest days of the nation, Muslims are perceived to have had no part in the American experience.
Readers may be surprised to learn that there may have been hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Muslims in the United States in 1776—imported as slaves from areas of Africa where Islam flourished. Although there is no evidence that the Founders were aware of the religious convictions of their bondsmen, it is clear that the Founding Fathers thought about the relationship of Islam to the new nation and were prepared to make a place for it in the republic.
In his seminal Letter on Toleration (1689), John Locke insisted that Muslims and all others who believed in God be tolerated in England. Campaigning for religious freedom in Virginia, Jefferson followed Locke, his idol, in demanding recognition of the religious rights of the “Mahamdan,” the Jew and the “pagan.” Supporting Jefferson was his old ally, Richard Henry Lee, who had made a motion in Congress on June 7, 1776, that the American colonies declare independence. “True freedom,” Lee asserted, “embraces the Mahomitan and the Gentoo (Hindu) as well as the Christian religion.”
In his autobiography, Jefferson recounted with satisfaction that in the struggle to pass his landmark Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom (1786), the Virginia legislature “rejected by a great majority” an effort to limit the bill’s scope “in proof that they meant to comprehend, within the mantle of its protection, the Jew and the Gentile, the Christian and Mahometan.” George Washington suggested a way for Muslims to “obtain proper relief” from a proposed Virginia bill, laying taxes to support Christian worship. On another occasion, the first president declared
that he would welcome “Mohometans” to Mount Vernon if they were “good workmen” (see page 96). Officials in Massachusetts were equally insistent that their influential Constitution of 1780 afforded “the most ample liberty of conscience … to Deists, Mahometans, Jews and Christians,” a point that Chief Justice Theophilus Parsons resoundingly affirmed in 1810.
Toward Islam itself the Founding generation held differing views. An evangelical Baptist spokesman denounced “Mahomet” as a “hateful” figure who, unlike the meek and gentle Jesus, spread his religion at the point of a sword. A Presbyterian preacher in rural South Carolina dusted off Grotius’ 17th century reproach that the “religion of Mahomet originated in arms, breathes nothing but arms, is propagated by arms.” Other, more influential observers had a different view of Muslims. In 1783, the president of Yale College, Ezra Stiles, cited a study showing that “Mohammadan” morals were “far superior to the Christian.” Another New Englander believed that the “moral principles that were inculcated by their teachers had a happy tendency to render them good members of society.” The reference here, as other commentators made clear, was to Islam’s belief, which it shared with Christianity, in a “future state of rewards and punishments,” a system of celestial carrots and sticks which the Founding generation considered necessary to guarantee good social conduct.
“A Mahometan,” wrote a Boston newspaper columnist, “is excited to the practice of good morals in hopes that after the resurrection he shall enjoy the beautiful girls of paradise to all eternity; he is afraid to commit murder, adultery and theft, lest he should be cast into hell, where he must drink scalding water and the scum of the damned.” Benjamin Rush, the Pennsylvania signer of the Declaration of Independence and friend of Adams and Jefferson, applauded this feature of Islam, asserting that he had “rather see the opinions of Confucius or Mohammed inculcated upon our youth than see them grow up wholly devoid of a system of religious principles.”
That ordinary citizens shared these positive views is demonstrated by a petition of a group of citizens of Chesterfield County, Va., to the state assembly, Nov. 14, 1785: “Let Jews, Mehometans and Christians of every denomination enjoy religious liberty…thrust them not out now by establishing the Christian religion lest thereby we become our own enemys and weaken this infant state. It is mens labour in our Manufactories, their services by sea and land that aggrandize our Country and not their creeds. Chain your citizens to the state by their Interest. Let Jews, Mehometans, and Christians of every denomination find their advantage in living under your laws.”
The Founders of this nation explicitly included Islam in their vision of the future of the republic. Freedom of religion, as they conceived it, encompassed it. Adherents of the faith were, with some exceptions, regarded as men and women who would make law-abiding, productive citizens. Far from fearing Islam, the Founders would have incorporated it into the fabric of American life.
Author: James H. Hutson is chief of the Manuscript Division and the author of many books, including, most recently, “Religion and the Founding of the American Republic,” 1998. Library of Congress Information Bulletin, May 2002, Vol. 61, No. 5. http://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/0205/tolerance.html
The Complete Text of the Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom from June 18, 1779 in 1777, the bill was not introduced to the Virginia General Assembly until 1779 by Thomas Jefferson in the city of Fredericksburg, Virginia. On January 16, 1786, the Assembly enacted the statute into the state’s law. The statute ultimately resulted in the disestablishment of the Church of England in Virginia and guaranteed freedom of religion to people of all religious faiths, including all Protestant denominations, Catholics, Jews, and Muslims. The statute was a precursor of the Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.
- Following the September 11th terrorism attacks, a variety of measures were put into place to make America more secure against future threats. Some have argued that these tools, such as USA Patriot Act and the rendition and detention without charges of alleged terror suspects, have been in violation of the civil rights, like the First Amendment, guaranteed in the United States Constitution. Review some of the voluminous commentary on this subject and have students engage in a moderated debate about the legality of the post-September 11 security policies.
- The Civil Liberties Implications Of Counterterrorism Policies: Full Chapter from Today’s American: How Free?, a report by Freedom House, 2008.
- Civil Rights, Uncivil Wrongs:The War on Terrorism’s Toll on the U.S. Constitution by Andrew Rudalevige in Foreign Affairs Magazine, January/February 2007 Issue. Log-in required, free.
- Have students read the above piece in conjunction with a viewing of the film, Prince among Slaves, which is the true story of a Muslim African prince enslaved in the American south in the 18th Century. Have a discussion about historical accuracy: were the students surprised to learn about the role Muslims played in the development of early America? Who makes and tells history? Have they learned about their families’ stories in the classroom? How can students think more critically about the information presented to them; if something is not included in a text book, does that mean it didn’t happen? How can we fill in the missing gaps?
- In the documents referenced above, Muslims are referred to as Mehometans and Mahamdans, among other variations. These terms are out of use now, having evolved over time, like all languages do. Use this example as an opportunity to explore etymology, or the origin of words. Students can research the history of this word and learn about how language is attached to socio-political trends. Why do we stop using certain words and adopt new ones?